La présente étude porte sur les oeuvres composées par Jules Supervielle (1884-1960) entre 1927 et 1930. Elle a pour but de montrer la structure du rêve de notre poète en examinant la fonction du sommeil et la saisie poétique des choses. Elle implique l'examen du langage poétique de Supervielle par rapport au premier Manifeste du surréalisme (1924) d'André Breton qui avait un intérêt pour le rêve en tant que source de la création poétique.

Nous examinons tout d'abord la saisie poétique des choses en analysant les poèmes intitulés « Saisir ». Le locuteur cherche à saisir les choses inconsciemment dans l'espace onirique. Ce n'est pas une possession des choses mais une suite de mouvements dont il s'agit ici. Mais, à cause des échecs répétés, le sujet poétique attend que le sommeil saisisse les choses à sa place. Or, ces mains, celles du sujet poétique, nous pourrions les identifier aux mains du poète lui-même, qui s'engagent dans l'écriture du poème en question. En l'occurrence, on pourrait dire que les poèmes sur l'acte de saisir les choses sont des discours sur la poésie elle-même.

Ensuite nous examinons les caractéristiques du sommeil chez Supervielle. L'analyse des poèmes intitulés « Tornade de sommeil » et « Le lac endormi » montre que, dans l'univers poétique de Supervielle, l'oubli est un motif inséparable du sommeil. Dans le sommeil, l'arrêt du temps et de l'espace ainsi que le fonctionnement de l'oublie permettent aux choses de se métamorphoser.

Après l'analyse du sommeil, nous essayons de mettre au clair le langage poétique de Supervielle en analysant le poème intitulé « Réveil ». Au moment du réveil, il est impossible que le locuteur s'exprime parce que les mots sont restés dans l'espace onirique. Cette remarque nous permet de dire que, chez Supervielle, il est important de saisir les mots avec la raison pour la connaissance du monde alors qu'il suffit au surréalisme d'écrire directement les mots provenant d'un rêve.

Le tâtonnement pour saisir les choses avec une précision onirique dans l'oeuvre de Supervielle nous montre que, bien qu'il affronte une impossibilité, le poète a confiance aux mots eux-mêmes pour connaître le monde.

Elder Philostratus' Eikones contains a series of ekphrasis of paintings concerning the division of land by Poseidon: II.14 "Thessaly," II.16 "Palaemon," and the second island and the third-fourth islands in II.17 "Islands." This article discusses the composition and links between these parts, concentrating on Poseidon and geographical change, along with their meaning.

The formation of the vale of Tempe by Poseidon is described in II.14 "Thessaly:" Poseidon is in a threatening posture while breaking mountains, and his attitude to the emerging plain is welcoming. Also mentioned in "Palaemon" and the third-fourth islands, the story connects these three parts. The opening of the sacred depth of Isthmus of Corinth and its acceptance of Melicertes is depicted in II.16 "Palaemon," with Poseidon's order to open the land and his smile at Melicertes. The second island in "Islands" (II.17.3) does not contain a story of geographical change, but the statue of Poseidon in the painting is described as though it is sailing through the ground by breaking it. The third-fourth islands (II.17.4) were formerly joined as one, but were broken apart into two, like Tempe. Though the description of the islands does not contain Poseidon, the preceding island and the mention of Tempe having earthquakes recalls its source, Earth-opening Poseidon, or Earth-shaking Poseidon. At the same time, the way of illustrating Tempe here is differs from that in "Thessaly." Thus, the illustration in the third-fourth islands becomes a supplementary explanation for "Thessaly." These connections are supported by the verbal link with ῥήγνυμι 'to break, break asunder.' The second island and the third-fourth islands also have a unity owing to its composition. These four parts of geographical stories allow us to read them in reference to each other.

Viewing the series on Poseidon and the division of land, we find that they share a connection to each other, and the image of the rather gentle grace of Poseidon or geographical change that sometimes shown long after its rupture. In addition, human activity could have participated in making the rupture appear graceful. In the third-fourth islands, the divided islands look unified due to a bridge, and wagons go over it, while ships sail under it.

This study aims to highlight an aspect of the Apollo Program that has rarely been studied. The space program was a realistic answer to the very American question: "how should the United States commit to the rest of the world?" Through analyzing two speeches made by President Kennedy regarding sending astronauts to the moon, the author tries to illustrate the untold purpose of the space program and the way in which the president convinced Congress and American people.

On May 25, 1961, Kennedy made a speech titled "the Special Message to the Congress on Urgent National Needs" in order to start up a space program that aimed to send men to the moon and return them safely to Earth. Kennedy declared the "Freedom Doctrine" in this speech. By claiming that American strength and conviction imposed upon the nation the role of leader in freedom's cause, the president sought to persuade Congress to approve the program. He was firmly convinced that the Soviet supremacy in space, such as Sputnik-1 and the first manned flight by Gagarin, had greatly weakened the United States in foreign affairs. America must have achieved a prominent victory in space in order to win the battle on Earth between "Freedom and Tyranny."

In a speech at Rice University on September 12, 1962, Kennedy stated that the United States should have a leading role in science and technology, and emphasized that the nation must win the space race by being "first." He believed that science and technology, as well as Freedom, were aspects of American national identity. In addition, the president mentioned that it was difficult to keep space peaceful unless the United States won the race against the Soviet Union. To be the first nation to land men on the moon meant not only preventing the Russians from extending their power in space, but also showing off their ability to lead the world in every way.

Freedom and scientific technologies, the national identity of the United States, were severely threatened in the early 1960s because of the overwhelming superiority of the Soviet Union in space achievement. Under these very harsh circumstances, the United States regarded their rival as a formidable challenge to the American raison d'être as the world's most advanced country. By spending 24 billion dollars and successfully conducting the space program, the United States tried to restore their image as the world's leader in freedom's cause and scientific technologies. As Kennedy himself articulated, the Apollo Program was an "act of faith and vision."

The aim of this study is primarily to compare the first edition of Karl Barth's commentary on The Epistle to the Romans with the second edition, which Barth himself regarded as the wholly revised version, and secondly to analyze the theological background of the transition between these two editions. The author employs Erkenntnis Gottes (knowledge of God) as a lens through which to compare both editions. By emphasizing Erkenntnis Gottes, one can grasp the essence of his work.

The first chapter examines how Erkenntnis Gottes was deployed in the first edition. In this edition, the relation between God and man is characterized as an immediate relationship, one that is das ergriffene Ergreifen (not only grasping, but also being grasped). At the time of the Resurrection, the immediate relationship between man and God was restored. In this relation, while the distinction between God and humans is maintained, a divine nature within humanity enables them to "grasp" God immediately, without having to reflect on themselves.

The second chapter analyzes how Erkenntnis Gottes was developed in the second edition. In this edition, Erkenntnis Gottes means to recognize God as being unknowable. There is an "infinite qualitative distinction" between human beings and God. Therefore, Jesus Christ, the revelation of God Himself, appeared in history in the form of a paradox. This paradox made the gospel of God have to be believed, rather than recognized. Therefore, in order to have faith, it is essential to recognize this paradox, which is the denial of the immediately recognized God.

Chapter three consists of two parts. The first part highlights the differences and the commonalities between the two editions. In both editions, Barth proposes seemingly opposite ideas about Erkenntnis Gottes: the immediate recognition of God and the recognition of God as unknowable. As a result, the dynamism of faith has different foundations in these two editions. In spite of such differences, Barth keeps his contention that faith is a dynamic given by God at every single moment. Hence the change in ideas about Erkenntnis Gottes emphasizes this dynamism. The latter part of the third chapter explores Barth's intention in revising his commentary, referencing reviews given by Emil Brunner, Adolf Jülicher and Paul Wernle. Brunner showed a positive response, while Jülicher and Wernle harshly critisized Barth's work. However, none of these thinkers correctly understood Barth's idea that humanity is absolutely and qualitatively different from God: 'World remains world. But God is God.' To clear this misunderstanding, Barth had to emphasize the dynamism of faith by reforming the idea of Erkenntnis Gottes.

Theology in the 1920s saw a conflict between two generations: the liberalism of the late nineteenth century and the dialectical theology of the early twentieth century. Jülicher and Wernle belong to the former, and Barth and Brunner to the latter. In conclusion, the meaning of Erkenntnis Gottes in the first edition is "to grasp God immediately," while in the second edition, it is "to recognize God as unknowable." Although these two editions seem entirely dissimilar, Barth's assertion that faith is given by God at every moment remains consistent. Moreover, the second edition was the result of polishing this idea, in reaction to the generational conflict in theology at that time.

This study focuses on the German-American Christian existential philosopher and theologian Paul Tillich and the American existential psychologist and psychotherapist, Rollo May, who is a pupil of Tillich. The purpose is to describe the relationship between Tillich's ontology and the development of May's theory of therapy, and to show one aspect of Tillich's influence in America.

Chapter I (Tillich and May's Question) illustrates that Tillich and May established the concept of existential anxiety and identified existential neurosis. May claimed Tillich's famous book, The Courage to Be was written as an answer to May's first influenced book, The Meaning of Anxiety, as both dealt with the same concepts of anxiety and neurosis. May and Tillich distinguish between anxiety and fear, define anxiety as the state in which a being is aware of its possible nonbeing, classify types of anxiety, and emphasize the existential anxiety that is inherent in human finitude. They insist human beings use the existential anxiety constructive for their personal growth, if they are able to face it head-on. However, avoiding existential anxiety can lead to a special illness that is called existential neurosis. This illness is not only an object of medical healing, but also "preiset help" that supplies an ontological understanding of human existence.

In The Courage to Be, Tillich writes on the subject of courage in order to show a constructive method to overcoming existential anxiety. Tillich concept's of courage is united with his ontology, which focus on the idea of "God is being-itself." Chapter II (Tillich's Answer) argues May inherited Tillich's theological ontology. Tillich argues that existence is the state of estrangement, which means beings have been separated from their essence ever since the Creation, therefore they suffer from anxiety. This results in a state of despair, but paradoxically, this experience also reveals the power of being-itself. Tillich calls this experience "absolute faith." The courage to be, which overcomes the radical threat of non-being, is rooted in this experience of the power of being-itself, in which existence and essence are reunited. Tillich calls such being "The New Being," which creates itself for self-actualization, of the telos of Creation. May accepts Tillich's theories, and he claims the concept of "I-am experience," which applies Tillich's idea to the way of dealing with actual existential neurosis.

However, as such extreme situations are not often found, May needed to modify Tillich's method more practically. Chapter III (Beyond Tillich) shows the outline of May's original theory of existential psychotherapy. After Tillich's death, May developed his own theory by focusing on the concept of the daimonic, which is the ambiguous power of being in an ordinary situation, at the center of his existential psychotherapy's theory. May defines the daimonic as a natural function that can be either creative or destructive. If the daimonic is integrated into the personality, it results in creativity, which is the purpose of May's psychotherapy. May insists that recognizing the daimonic, or a pseudoinnocent attitude, results in a modern neurosis or violence. Such narcissism should be broken down by inviting the daimonic upon oneself. Thus, the power of the daimonic is used through "the courage to create" for self-actualization.

This paper examines the imperial composition Yomonoumi－how it was composed, and how the interpretation of it changed. Yomonoumi was originally composed in 1904 by the Meiji Emperor immediately before the Russo-Japanese War, and was quoted by the Showa Emperor just prior to the commencement of hostilities against the United States and the United Kingdom in 1941.

The seas of the world
Now I think
Embrace all brothers in one heart
So I wonder
Why the wind and waves rise in discord?
              ("Four Seas Brothers" by H.I.M.Meiji)

In order to understand this poem, the term yomonoumi, other poems that include the term, and annotations of the poem are examined. The purpose of this paper is to clarify what imperial compositions are and how they are interpreted.

Yomonoumi is a word that reflects the worldviews of many Japanese poets, and it has been used since the Heian period. The term yomonoumi originally meant "the surrounding sea;" however, it came to imply "the world" in the Edo period, and retained this meaning in the Meiji period.

Emperors have often uttered their opinions through poems. Thus imperial compositions have been media as well as literary works, especially before the modern age. However, the value of imperial compositions as media has declined because the Emperor agrees press interviews and publishes his statements through the Imperial Household Agency today.

Even prior to the modern era, a kind of selection must have been made by the poets themselves and or editors since the assumption of composing poems is publication. The selection became sever as the political influence of the Emperors increased in the modern era considering a social impact of the publication.

Annotations of the imperial composition Yomonoumi show tendency to justify Japan's act as times go. Earlier ones tend to describe the international relations but later ones tend to curse Russia.

What we can know through imperial compositions of the Meiji Emperor is that he did not officially entertain misgivings about the Sino-Japanese War of 1884-5, and was pleased with the victory to his great satisfaction. On the other hand, he was apprehensive about the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5, but expressed his rejoice of the victory through imperial compositions with straightforward words.

The Showa Emperor expressed his negative opinion upon the commencement of hostilities in 1941 by quoting the imperial composition Yomonoumi. However, we can be fairly certain that he would publish poems of gratification as the generalissimo if the war ended in victory.

Of course, the Emperor in person can be a pacifist irrespective of antebellum or postbellum. However, the Emperor as an institution, or in his official capacity, he behaves under the different principle from that of a private person. Under the Constitution of the Empire Japan, the Emperor was the generalissimo as well as the head of state. At the same time, he was the head of the imperial family as well as the husband and the father at his home. The imperial composition Yomonoumi was made as a result of struggle among these codes.

It seems reasonable to conclude that an imperial composition is made by the Emperor in his different positions. However, the Emperor never attaches annotations to his poems. Therefore, imperial compositions leave room for people to surmise what to read and what to imagine. A published imperial composition may imply the national intention that cannot be expressed clearly by the state.