This study focuses on the image of the space brothers which was peculiar to the 1950s America. The purpose is to figure out the reason why the myth of the space brothers was born and embraced in American society and culture in that decade.

The space brothers were the Extraterrestrials which were thought to visit earth by flying saucers. The contactees played a great role in forming the image of the space brothers. The contactees were the people who claimed that they met the space brothers and were taught a lot of things.

The contactees asserted that the space brothers enjoyed eternal peace, free from fear of nuclear weapons or war. They lived in a rich and Utopian society which was made possible by very advanced scientific technology. Decease, politics, or poverty did not exist among them. Their life expectancy was much longer than humankind. Additionally, the contactees claimed that they boarded the flying saucers which the space brothers navigated.

The creation of the image of the space brothers was reliant on the idea that Extraterrestrials were superior to mankind. Chapter II (The Cultural Basis) illustrates that this idea had already spread across the United States by the early 1950s. Many statistics support the prevalence of the idea of the existence of Extraterrestrials in that period. In particular, detailed records of the flying saucer's maneuverability and speed that exceeded those of human aircraft confirmed the superiority of the Extraterrestrials. The Extraterrestrial Myth was the basis for the image of the space brothers.

Chapter III (Space Brothers) analyzes four aspects of the space brothers with primary sources: the publications about the space brothers authored by the contactees. Firstly, the space brothers were beautiful people. Secondly, their attitude toward the contactees was of deep benevolence and understanding. Thirdly, they accomplished peaceful society without nuclear weapons. Finally, they enjoyed the achievement of their highly advanced science and technology.

Chapter IV (The 1950s America) examines those four characteristics of the space brothers, referring the historical background of the 1950s. There were two major reasons which made the space brothers embraced in the 1950s America. Firstly, the 1950s America suffered from the possibilities of nuclear apocalypse which the space brothers were free from. Secondly, the 1950s America yearned for the achievement of the science and technology that the space brothers enjoyed. In short, the space brothers attempted what the 1950s America longed for. Those two reasons were distinctive sentiments to the 1950s America. That's why the myth of the space brothers was born and embraced in that period.

The space brothers exhibited their superior scientific technology inside the flying saucers, because technology was considered as the key to the bright, clean, and rich future as depicted in the 1950s. Flying saucer was the symbol of the extraordinary extraterrestrial technology. By defining the interior of the flying saucer, the superiority of their technology was articulated even clearly.

The 1950s in America was all about science. Although the space brother possessed great technology, they avoided the extinction caused by the nuclear power, the ultimate product of scientific technology. Thus the extraterrestrials, who survived the paradoxical nature of science and technology, came to be a somewhat religious figure during the period.

The purpose of this article is to provide the rectilinear trajectories of projectiles in impetus theory as an example of the relativity of knowledge. Impetus theory is a dynamics theory propounded by Parisian scholar Jean Buridan in the 14th century. It was a well-designed variation of Aristotelian dynamics theory that could solve several crucial problems in the previous theories. However, quite different from parabolic trajectories in modern physics, impetus theory concluded that projectiles move in rectilinear trajectories.

In Aristotelian natural philosophy, motions are divided in two species: natural and unnatural. For heavy bodies, downward motions are defined as natural whereas upward or lateral motions are defined as unnatural, and those motions cannot be combined because natural and unnatural are defined as contrary concepts. Approximately speaking, medieval natural philosophers were following the definitions of Aristotelian philosophy, hence when Jean Buridan and his disciples tried to formulate the projectile paths, they could only admit either natural or unnatural motion of the body at the same time. As a result, the trajectories were theorized as rectilinear.

It can be verified from the empirical evidence cited in their woks, that some of the medieval natural philosophers were respecting experiential data as an important source of knowledge, and incorporating them into their discussions. Nevertheless, for hundreds of years, they believed that trajectories were composed of straight lines, until the genius of Galileo. Consequently, we are forced to conclude that supporters of impetus theory actually perceived the rectilinear trajectories according to their theory.

Even in the 16th century, people estimated trajectories as rectilinear. Tartaglia, the originator of ballistics, claimed that each part of trajectories should be curved, but at the same time he noted that those curvatures remain in an insensible level. Finally, Galileo cast away those rectilinear trajectories and geometrically demonstrated that trajectories should be parabolic. What enabled the transition from traditional recognition on trajectories were Galileo’s innovational methods, which excluded the empirical data from the process of the geometrical demonstration.

It is evident that rectilinear trajectories are incommensurable with modern recognition. Nevertheless, studies of impetus theory reveal that their trajectories were somehow empirically confirmed among many medieval scholars. Theories often precede facts. When sense-data themselves were constructed by the preconceptions, facts cannot be the simple criteria for the validity of theories. The analyses of trajectories of projectiles in impetus theory suggest that theories and sense-data are interdependent, therefore, impetus theory could function as an example of the relativity of recognition.

This paper deals with the counterparts of Japanese doke in Western cultures and aims at discovering new possibilities for the development of the doke theory. The problem of doke as representatives of the deviation and liberation from the traditional norms has been first discussed in the 1970-ies by Masao Yamaguchi who can duly be considered the founder of the doke theory. Yamaguchi's theory had a great impact on the intellectual world in Japan. However, since then there have been just a few new developments so that there is still a lot of room for further discussion on and reconsideration of this theory.

This paper is an attempt to clarify the conventional doke methods in Western cultures, the starting point of Yamaguchi's theory, as a basis for the analysis of doke in the Japanese cultural tradition. Or, in other words, the purpose is by focusing on the Western tradition in a broad socio-historical context (from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance) to open possibilities for further development of Yamaguchi’s theory.

The paper is divided into three main sections. The first section comprises a survey of the conventional methods of doke in the West. Thus, for instance, tricksters have remarkable features which allow them to create an effect akin to the Homeric laughter and shake the existent values in the world. Fools and clowns, on the other hand, tend to be closer to the problems of everyday life and habits. Their theatrical laughter would often be sublimated into works of art.

In the second section the paper proceeds with a detailed analysis of three works of doke-literature in the West: King Lear by William Shakespeare, Gargantua and Pantagruel by Francois Rabelais, and Till Eulenspiegel from the German folklore. The analysis is pointed at searching for discrepancies between the doke theory and the actual manifestation and exemplification of the doke tradition.

The third section is an attempt to summarize, or at least to suggest some new horizons for the development of the doke studies. Until now the socio-political function of doke, i.e. its aspects of criticizing authority and making fun of it, tended to be emphasized and even over-emphasized. Needless to say, this is an extremely important function, yet it is not necessarily the prevailing one in any culture and in any historical period. Thus, for instance, to approach the Japanese doke tradition from the viewpoint of the Rabelaisean laughter will mean to ignore its specificity by "adjusting" it to quite different socio-cultural tradition. Further on, the manifestations of doke in nowadays Japanese culture are so much diversified that it is virtually impossible to discuss them by simply categorizing them into tricksters, fools, and clowns. In other words, the possibilities for reconsidering the doke theory, based on the Western cultural tradition, can be found and should be searched for in the concrete manifestation of doke in non-Western cultures.

This paper focuses on the monumental function of the paintings in the Stoa Poikile (the Painted Portico, built on the north side of the agora of Athens around 460 B.C. by the followers of the Athenian politician Cimon). This paper argues that these paintings not only glorify the Athenian triumph over the enemies, but also fulfill the moralistic function to caution the Athenians on their behavior in their victory. Four paintings, very possibly by the three painters Polygnotus, Mikon and Panaenus, were exhibited in the Stoa; Oenoe, Amazonomachy, Fall of Troy, and Marathonomachy. Though these paintings were lost, we can know what they were like from the descriptions mainly by the 2nd century travel writer Pausanias. They were placed so that the two scenes of the heroic age were between the two paintings of contemporary battle scenes.

Pausanias explains Oenoe as the painting of the battle of Argive Oenoe. There are, however, some problems; no other historical sources mention the battle of Argive Oenoe, and it is very odd that a building constructed by the followers of Cimon, who was a strong pro-Spartan politician, contained an anti-Spartan painting. In 1985, Francis and Vickers offered a hypothesis which resolves the problems. Their hypothesis is that Oenoe was the scene of the assembly of the Athenian troops and Plataean auxiliary force around the Attic village Oenoe near Marathon just before the battle of Marathon. This paper supports Francis and Vickers' hypothesis. Amazonomachy shows Theseus and his Athenian soldiers fighting against the Amazons. Amazonomachy was a popular subject in 5th century B.C. Athens. The subject implies the Athenian triumph over Persia, and Theseus was one of the heroes who best symbolized the polis. Fall of Troy showed Greek kings who assembled to discuss how to deal with Ajax the minor, who raped Cassandra when she threw herself on the statue of the goddess Athena. The painting contained Greek kings and soldiers, Ajax, Cassandra, and captive Trojan women. The Trojan War is the story of the Greek triumph over the Trojans, and it implies Greek triumph over the Persians. Marathonomachy describes three steps of the battle of Marathon. In Marathonomachy, those who were depicted are closely related to the battle, and represent the glorious triumph of the battle of Marathon. The four paintings were integrated by means of the motif of victory over the barbarian and linked by elements such as the existence of Theseus.

The scene of Fall of Troy does not seem to be appropriate, however, for a painting which solely praises the triumph; it concerns the discussion of how to deal with a Greek hero who committed an impious crime. This paper argues that the painting prompts caution as to the behavior of victorious troops. By describing the scene of the discussion of the kings, which brought about catastrophic storm on Greek fleet in the end, Fall of Troy prompts the viewer to reconsider what decision the kings should have made; how victor, or victorious troops, should behave. The issue of the behavior of the winner depicted in Fall of Troy was relevant to contemporary concerns in the integration of the four paintings; Athena, who revenged the Greeks, was also observing the Greeks in Marathonomachy.

This article focuses on Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park (HPP) in Post-War, from 1945 to 1950s. During that time, there was a gap in attitudes toward the reconstruction of the city between the Hiroshima city government and people living in Hiroshima. Simply put, although Hiroshima was converted into a peace city, Hiroshima's reconstruction usurped space that had once been home to Hiroshima citizens. One hand, Hiroshima was completely changed by A-bomb. However, on the other hand, Hiroshima continued from wartime period. And these features bring in ideological and political twist.

The modern History of Hiroshima, especially after 1945, is not local history only but also connects with globalized social activity such as anti-nuclear movement. In 1996, the A-Bomb Dome was designated UNESCO world heritage site. In 2006, the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum was designated by the Agency of Cultural Affairs as an Important Cultural Property (Juyo Bunka Zai): the first case of post-war building. HPP was also designated as 'famous place' (Meishou).

The location of HPP was once the city's busiest downtown commercial and residential district called Nakajima Area. So this park was built on the open area created by the explosion.

One vista, so called 'Peace line' (Heiwa no Jikusen) strongly characterize this park. When we stand before it, the A-bomb dome comes up into the cenotaph. Although the A-Bomb dome is outside of the park, it is symbolic center. HPP was designed by Tange Kenzo. As many researchers have pointed outs, this plan has common features with his wartime design.

HPP preserves the tragic memory of A-Bomb. However, Hiroshima as a Local City was hidden by the name of Peace Memorial City. Two photographs of the cenotaph reveal to us that people lived in HPP in the 1950s. In the 1940s and 50s, there was strong resistance from the people of Nakajima. The complete removal of houses did not take place until 1959. However, this project instilled a sense of distrust among the People.

HPP represents the double suppression of locality. Firstly, the construction of a large park in the center of Hiroshima city has suppressed the history or memory of the old Nakajima area in prewar time. Due to the explosion, the once bustling commercial and residential area became an open area on which to build the large park. Secondly, Hiroshima made the residents of the Nakajima move to other places. This was forcible eviction. During 10 years from the end of the war, Hiroshima adopted a preference for city reconstruction instead of personal reconstruction, that is, livelihood support and medical support for A-bomb victims.

On the one surface, Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park presents a clear picture of the tragedy of a nuclear damaged city. On the other surface, this picture reveals a 'negative', albeit difficult to see.